It has been over a year since Hamas’s horrific October 7th terrorist attack that killed over 1,300 Israeli civilians, an equivalent of nearly thirteen 9/11s as a proportion of their total population.[1] The desire for security and justice in the aftermath is deeply understandable. Yet, after a year of war, it is fair to ask: Are the Israeli people safer now?
Some would argue yes because Hamas and Hezbollah’s military capabilities have been severely incapacitated. On the other hand, there is no end in sight for their war, thousands of Israelis have been displaced, thousands of Israel’s reservists are deployed, and 41,500 Gazans are dead with a majority being women and children. The cycle of violence endures, leaving little room for peace.
Debates about Israel’s response are often fraught with emotion. Some argue that Gazans deserve their plight, citing Hamas’s 2006 election victory (see below). But the average Gazan is under 18—meaning most of Gaza's population was too young to vote back then. Today, polls show that a majority of Gazans no longer support Hamas and want a fresh start.[2] This brings up an important point, in the heat of war, we often forget the nuance and complexity of the history of Israel and Palestine. The reality is that both Israel and Gaza are trapped in a painful cycle.
Israel occupied Gaza from 1967 to 2005, establishing settlements following the Six-Day War and stationing military forces to protect settlers. Despite the Oslo Accords (1993), the conflict persisted, and the First and Second Intifadas made the occupation increasingly costly. In 2005, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon withdrew Israeli troops and settlers to improve security and ease pressure for a Palestinian state.
In 2006, Hamas unexpectedly won elections, prompting Israel and Egypt to impose a blockade on Gaza, restricting the flow of goods and people. Gaza has since functioned as an open-air prison, with Israel controlling key aspects of life. This blockade is part of what Amnesty International defines as a system of apartheid, characterized by land dispossession, restrictions on movement, and the denial of economic and social rights to Palestinians.[3] Multiple conflicts have erupted since—most notably in 2008, 2012, 2014, 2021, and the current conflict since 2023—without resolving the underlying issues.[4][5]
Israel’s experience in southern Lebanon offers a parallel.. In 1982, the IDF invaded southern Lebanon to combat the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) but remained until 2000 to secure the northern border. Insurgency and public opposition made the occupation unsustainable, prompting withdrawal, after which Hezbollah established control in the region.[6]
Both Gaza and Lebanon illustrate that military occupations achieve short-term goals but often fail in the long term, leading to costly losses. Yet Israel risks repeating these mistakes by relying on force alone as a response to violence.[7]
The U.S. also provides cautionary lessons in its “Forever Wars.” Following 9/11, the U.S. invaded Afghanistan, toppling the Taliban. However, 20 years of nation-building collapsed in 2022, when the Taliban regained power, erasing many gains in women’s rights and education.
Likewise, the 2003 invasion of Iraq aimed to eliminate Saddam Hussein and weapons of mass destruction. Despite early success and President Bush’s infamous “Mission Accomplished” statement in 2003, Iraq remained unstable. U.S. troops withdrew in 2011, but by 2014 ISIS had seized significant territory, forcing U.S. troops to return, where they remain today.[8] [9]
The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan cost over 7,000 American lives, 177,000 local soldier and police lives, and more than $6 trillion without achieving lasting peace. These experiences highlight that foreign military occupations often fail as long-term solutions to insurgency, regardless of the initial justifications.[10] [11]
There is no simple solution to these complex conflicts, but relying solely on military force is unsustainable. Without clear objectives in Gaza and Lebanon, Israel risks escalating tensions and drawing regional powers—including the U.S. and Iran—into a wider conflict. De-escalation is essential. Israel must secure a cease-fire in Gaza, avoid further escalation in Lebanon, and focus on long-term solutions. The opportunity for peace has never been closer since the killing of radical hardline leaders of Hamas Yahya Sinwar and Hezbollah leader Hasan Nasrallah.[12] [13]
Prime Minister Netanyahu’s handling of the war raises troubling questions. His approval ratings plummeted after the October 7th attack, with many Israelis blaming him for security lapses. Netanyahu's reluctance to pursue a cease-fire reflects political motivations as he knows that ending the war will likely lead to elections and his removal from office.
Israel’s right to defend itself is unquestionable, but its long-term security depends on more than military strength. True peace will require supporting Palestinian self-determination and ending the occupation of Palestinian territories. The U.S. should remain a friend to Israel, but friendship means offering honest counsel. We must encourage Israel to pursue a two-state solution and condition military aid on actions that promote peace.
As members of our faith, we understand the importance of peace, reconciliation, and justice. Our doctrine teaches us to mourn with those who mourn—on all sides of conflict. This is not a call to abandon our support for Israel, but to urge policies that build a lasting peace, where Israelis and Palestinians can live side by side with dignity and security.
Only by learning from the past—both Israel’s and the U.S.’s—can we create policies that build a safer future for all involved.
